Ideologising popular culture: The case of contemporary political songs in Ireland
Stefanie Bach, University of
Strathclyde
Introduction
Irish culture has traditionally been seen as
a very musical culture. In fact, Irish culture is seen to find its most
authentic expression in music.1
Traditional music has made an unrivalled impact on audiences in every part of
the globe, at the same time the maybe most influential pop group of the past 20
years, U2, happens to be Irish as well. More recently, successful pop bands
have emerged from the same small country, achieving global success. These are
just three example that can be consulted to confirm that music plays a
significant role in Irish culture. However, all three examples are also highly
influenced by non-Irish determinants: In the case of traditional music, its
revival was initiated by the Irish diaspora in North America and is partly a
product of nostalgia. U2 made use of a musical idiom that is more American than
Irish. And finally, boy and girl groups are an example of globally fabricated
pop music which, too, is not an exclusively Irish phenomenon.
At the same time,
another musical development has emerged which has gone largely unnoticed. On
the new generation growing up in Ireland in the 1960 and 70ies, television and
popular media, including music, played a more central role and exercised a more
formative cultural influence than the more traditional values of Irish society.
A deep sense of estrangement with the parent culture was resolved in the
creative journey for a redefinition of one's identity for which music, among
other popular art forms, was the preferred medium.2 As the Irish journalist John Waters asserts,
it remains true that in
Ireland today, if you wish to know what people really feel, you are better off
dropping the needle on Van Morrison than tuning into the national television
station, better listening to U2, or Sharon Shannon, or the Cranberries, than
reading a newspaper. Only in popular music is the true nature of the modern
world being acknowledged or reimagined.3
This music, though influenced by various -
international - musical traditions, has not always global ambitions.
If a label for
this music has to be established, the preferred term would be that of a
songwriter scene, as genre labels such as folk, rock, pop or others are
inadequate, when considering the conventions that define each genre. Moreover
such labels are rejected by most of the participants of the musical event. The
significance of this new genre hails from its specifically local character: it
is made by local musicians for a specifically local audience, while it has also
contributed to promote cultural, social, historical and political debates in
Ireland. The objective of this paper is to investigate the practice of
contemporary political song and its impact on the cultural debate by retracing
the origins of political songs in Ireland.
The song and the message
I assume a broad definition of 'political
song': A political song deals with an issue that belongs to the public rather
than the personal sphere of existence. This approach implies a thematic
perspective to the meaning of songs which implicitly assumes that songs
communicate a 'message' through their text. The term 'text' is used here in its
broadest sense and includes song lyrics, music, genre, voice, style,
performance and communicative situation during the performance, and the
socio-political and socio-economical context of the song. But in
how far can we assume that songs communicate a message from a sender, the
musician, to a receiver, the audience? A short overview of how musical, and particularly political
meaning, has been approached may indicate the complexity of this question.
When, in a much cited case study, the interpretation of the song 'Eve of
Destruction' was analysed among socio-politically interested university
students, 14% of the questioned students interpreted the song 'correctly',
another 44.8% were found to understand the theme partially. This result was
used both by scholars predisposed to dismiss the usefulness of lyrical content
analysis and those supporting lyrical content analysis. While the former argued
that the percentage who understood the theme of the song was shockingly low and
that the only conclusion to be drawn from this evidence was that people did not
listen to the lyrics of songs,4 the
latter maintained that two thirds of the audience did in fact understand the song
and thus must be listening to the lyrics.5
What we can learn from this is that both interpretations of this data ignores
the actual practice of making and listening to music. Depending on genre and
social setting (both the micro-context of a musical event and the macro-context
of the socio-cultural context), I would argue, lyrics may become important, or
may lose their relevance altogether. It is this context which needs to be
analysed in order to adequately study the meaning of songs.
This
sociological approach to music stresses the significance of an active
construction of meaning through the interaction of the participants in musical
events or in musical production and consumption which places the performance in
a central position.6. It is necessary to
analyse the 'meanings' of music as they manifest themselves in the usage of a
musical piece and the ways in which meaning can be, is, or fails to be
established as well as the changes in meaning that a song undergoes when the
context (be it the actual audience, the socio-historical context or the
cultural context) is altered. Musical and political meaning is therefore
'negotiable'7 and unstable, as it is
influenced by its socio-historical context:8
Musical meaning is then not seen as a separate artistic realm, intrinsic to the
musical form, but engages in a dialogue with other cultural texts: 'It is
perhaps the way that music connects with meanings that indicates how it can
work and be made to work for particular political agendas.'9 This intertextual character of musical
meaning, its connectedness to other forms of political and cultural discourses
assumes that music has a dialogical relation to cultural narratives on the one
hand and individual cultural knowledge on the other. 'Meaning, in any situation,
is thus a consequence of an intense dialectical interaction between text, other
adjacent texts (lyrics, images, movement) and social, cultural and biographical
contexts'.10
The
interactional11 character of the
construction of meaning makes the nature of musical meaning social in principle
and links music intrinsically to a specific culture and event:12 'any significance assigned to music must be
ultimately and necessarily located in the commonly agreed meanings of the group
or society in which the particular music is created'.13 It is within the 'performing conventions',14 i.e. the conventions of production and
consumption, that an evaluation of the generation of meaning has to be
undertaken. Once the conventions are established, it is possible to evaluate
the importance of musical aspects such as lyrical contents analysis. These
performing conventions are musical genres, if the term genre is to describe a
structure of a musical piece comprised of elements such as lyrical text, music,
style, and context. Political meaning can then be communicated when there is a
predisposition on the side of both producers and consumers of music to read the
musical text politically. This is the case for Irish music for two reasons:
Firstly, there is a history of using songs and ballads as a means of political
and cultural expression and the revival of political songwriting in the 1960s
and 80s fell on a soil previously ploughed by the founders of the nation at the
start of the century, when literary and political figures used the medium of
songs for the construction of a national narration, cultural identity and
political expression. Secondly, in the past two decades, there appeared to be a
need for an alternative medium for political expression outwith the dominant
political and cultural discourse.
Therefore,
two genres have specifically influenced our object of study: on an intramusical
level, its performing conventions are strongly influenced by the genre of folk
music;15 and, on an extramusical level,
attitudes towards music are influenced by the street ballad and literary ballad
tradition. Both genres have been used for political expression. This is
relevant for an assumedly political message because the songs draw on generic
conventions where political meaning is expected by the participants of the
musical event. The likelihood of a political reading of the song text is thus
increased by the use of genre markers that place a song in an intertextual
dialogue with musical genres that have historically been employed for political
expression.
Histories of political expression through music
Performative conventions of
contemporary Irish songs constitute intertextual references to older genres and
thus offer frames of reference for the construction of meaning. The knowledge of
genre markers of both traditional street ballads and folk songs can be assumed
among the participants due to the continuous practice and presence of such
songs.
With the labour
force exchange between Ireland and Britain, a large number of British ballads
in English were imported from at least 1730 onwards.16 These ballads were easily integrated in the
existing system which distinguishes between songs by learned aristocratic
poets, the filí, and the songs genre amhrán,which is part of the sráid-éigse
or 'street-learning'.17 These were sung
by the people or the bards (i.e. untrained poets and songsters) and not
collected or transmitted by the filí. With the downfall of the bardic
schools in the 17th century both traditions merged to a subculture relative to
the dominant colonial discourse18. The
classical ballad and the street ballad mirrored this distinction between
learned and popular culture and with the persecution of the filí and bards, both
strands merged into a prime tool for critical political expression and a medium
of continued dissatisfaction with the political situation, borrowing strongly
from the literary tradition of vision poetry, allegory and double meanings. 19
Ballads increased
in popularity in the wake of the Wexford rebellion of 1798. The street ballad
proved to be the ideal medium for the propagation of political ideas and for
commentary on the events and their aftermath. During the same time, Wordsworth
rediscovered the ballad and used it for making a revolutionary literary
statement, attempting to bring literature back to a more primitive idiom. By
contrast, the increased popularity of the ballad genre in Ireland was not a
literary statement or poetic revolution but was born out of necessity and due
to the lack of an appropriate literary idiom in English, coinciding with the
change of the language of everyday speech and political activism from Irish to
English. The ballad can thus be considered to be the first English language
literary genre used by a large section of the population.20
As Zimmermann maintains,
In most European countries,
songs were inspired by political events, but few of them, if any, were retained
by tradition ... Ireland is one of the countries where patriotic and political
songs have been for a long time peculiarly popular, and perhaps influential.21
The street
ballads and songs were closely linked, from the beginning, to the Home Rule
and, later, the Republican movement. As many Irish politicians advocating
independence were also poets, they too wrote and sang ballads and songs. This
tradition continued through the times of the Land League and Daniel O’Connell
to the leaders of 1848, with O’Donovan Rossa, Michael Davitt and Arthur
Griffith having composed rebel songs, and the major figures of the 1916 Easter
Rising, among these poet-politicians James Connolly, Wolfe Tone, Robert Emmet.22 Patriotric and political ballads were
extensively published from 1840 onwards in The Nation newspaper, with
additional publication of such songs in separate monographs. Song was
consciously used to focus on collective identities and historical memory and
employed as a cultural tool within the nationalist movement.23
Furthermore, in
the 19th century, the movement of the Young Ireland and the Irish Literary
Revival developed an even more explicit interest in ballads and songs. Their
potential as an educational instrument, in particular for instructing people in
the ideas of nationalism, gained recognition. In the wake of the Irish
Renaissance, cultural policies of the early 20th century accredited
songs and ballads with being one of the main cultural forms of expression to
shape the language of literary, cultural and political discourse and an idiom
that could be qualitatively different from that of the former colonial power.
Songs thus became central to the formation of a national and cultural identity
distinct from the United Kingdom. This lead to a politicisation of the use and
functions of Irish songs, whether they were overtly political or not. In this
respect, ballads and songs continued to be used in literary works as a medium
to question and/or establish cultural and national Irish identity by writers
such as William Butler Yeats, James Joyce, Brendan Behan and, most recently,
Brian Friel.
Conventions of performance
The nature of the musical event is an
activity set aside from obligatory activities in life. Music is consumed within
the context of leisure and entertainment and offers a creative space which is
mirrored in the use of the word 'play' when referring to the activity of making
music. The terrain music and song occupy is therefore more open with regards to
the rules, norms and values voiced than in other areas of social life. This
allows greater liberty in expression but also leads to a different set of
constraints. Since music is mainly expected to entertain, it cannot be ignorant
of the expectations of the audience. Instead, the
chief function of music is
to involve people in shared experiences within the framework of their cultural
experience. For that very reason, it mirrors a community’s cultural past,
present and future.24
This special social context of
the musical event accounts for the relation of its internal discourse with the
external political discourse. In relation to the dominant, external political
and cultural discourse, the musical discourse assumes a peripheral position
because it is not perceived as a form of serious political expression by those
who contribute to the dominant political or cultural discourse. But it is just
at the periphery that conventional conceptions are challenged and that new
ideas originate. This give peripheral discourses a significant role as new
cultural assumptions, questions and definitions may be played out here before
they find their way into the dominant discourse. Thus, 'many genres of popular
music may be understood as sites on which struggles relative to the acceptance
or rejection of many features of capitalist social structures and ideologies
have been played out.'25
Moreover,
the local musical event brings people together and evokes for them a collective
emotional experience to which common meanings are assigned. Popular music,
then, has a potential to create, define and articulate the idea of community
and with it, a collective identity.26
The musical event is thus a tolerated and accepted way of expressing
accumulated feelings of various kinds. Because music is directed at the
audience's emotions and characterised by an immediate emotional involvement, it
may offer 'cathartic episodes' and have 'affectively empowering implications'27 which, provided they are not transitory,
can in turn be used for political means. As the songwriter and performer Allan
Taylor observes in his study: 'Whilst song may not have actually brought about
change it did give people a sense of unity once they were singing together.'28 He further asserts that. 'an audience becomes
like-minded during the space of the evening, almost as if disparate members of
society become a community for one night a week.'29 This emotional engagement with music
presents a political potential which may be influential beyond the musical
event as such.
Damien Dempsey, 'Dublin Town'
'Dublin Town' was first
recorded in 1995 by a lesser known artist, Damien Dempsey. Dempsey seems to
combine traditional and innovative elements like few other songwriters. In
musical terms, he is particularly interesting in our context because he is both
a performer of traditional ballads while challenging this tradition with his
idiosyncratic performing style when performing his original material. The song
received considerable airplay after its second recording in February 1997,
achieving six weeks of playlisting on the Irish popular music channel 2FM and
spending seven weeks in the Irish charts, peaking at number 18.
Performative setting
Dempsey usually performs on his
own, standing up on stage and accompanying his voice with the guitar.
Occasionally, he employs a band which is a concession to the audience's taste.30 During his performance, he is receptive to
performing together with other musicians, most of them songwriters like
himself.
The
venues he performs in are mostly small function rooms to small purpose built
concert halls. All of them allow social interaction as part of the musical
event. The smaller sized venues in many cases do not provide amplification. The
format of most of the musical events he performs in puts emphasis on the
artistic value of the performance. Thus he performs at designated songwriters'
nights where the audience is keen to spot new talents, or he performs at venues
that are frequented by an audience that is interested in local music.
The
social characteristics of the audience are an age of between 18 and 35 years
with an open minded attitude towards innovative music. Most participants of the
musical event are resident in Dublin and have a keen interest in music which
constitutes a large part of their free time activity, be it in an active or passive
role. The audience generally listens intensively to the music and only speaks
before or after the gig, or in between songs. In the venues without
amplification, members of the audience who speak during songs are asked to
leave. Before and after Dempsey's performance, he is present in the auditorium
and approachable to the audience.
Relation to audience
Dempsey establishes a rapport with his
audience through the uses of gestures and facial expression, commentaries, and
the structural set up of his songs. Before starting to perform, Dempsey ensures
that he has the undivided attention of his audience. He employs pauses,
anecdotes and jokes to establish a rapport with his audience which, to a
limited extent, is a two-way communication. During the songs, he keeps his eyes
shut and makes use of elaborate facial expressions to underline his emotional
involvement with his music. His unusual gestures and mannerism add to this:
thus he moves the guitar for sound effects rather than using other more
conventional methods.
Integral to the
performance of each song is its previous or subsequent commentary. While this
is a common feature in traditional and folk music, it also hails from the Irish
song tradition, where the words brí ‘force, meaning’, míniú
‘explanation’ or údar ‘authority, justification’ describe the practice
of commenting on a song.31 This
commentary places the song in time and place, while underlining its
authenticity and facilitating memorisation by linking it to an anecdote, a
cultural narrative in miniature. It also serves to captivate the audience. The
commentary may also repeat the story of the song and be thus characterised by a
degree of redundancy with regards to the information provided, which in turn
both facilitates memorisation and an increased awareness of the poetical
character of the non-prose rendering. It is a normal procedure in Irish
folklore and literature to give the plot of a narrative in both a verse and a
prose version. The nature and functions of the commentary underline the potential
of songs for generating narratives and for narratives to generate songs.32 Furthermore, it puts the songs into a wider
context of cultural items, narratives, issues and thus reaching out beyond the
confinements of the songs as such.
Finally, the interaction
with the audience is established by starting the song with the catchy chorus
which the audience quickly picks up and rightly understands as an invitation to
join in at its next occurrence. The refrain thus serves as a choral response
involving the listeners,33 which is also
a feature of the traditional street ballad as is the direct address of the
audience which too is present in this song. The employment of a chorus leads us
to an investigation of the intrinsic song structure:
Structure of song lyrics
The structure of the song is
characterised by the nature and interaction of chorus and verse, rhythm, rhyme,
pauses, intertextual motifs, thematic concerns and pronunciation.
As has already been established
for the performative setting, the song structure too is geared towards
increasing the audience's attention on the textual message. Dempsey thus
recites the verses rather than singing them. The melodic line of the verses is
monotonous and unexciting; while the chorus serves to please the ear with its
melody. The interaction between music and lyrics, then, attempts to overturn
passive listening habits.To this end, changes of tempo, scale and breaks from
the rhythmic or melodic pattern can be detected. Rhyme is employed with the
selfsame objective, in particular, through the use of dialectally specific
rhymes thus increasing textual awareness among the listeners.
The
song employs imagery and intertextual motifs which belong to a set pool of
symbols relating to conventional interpretations of Irish identity, history and
culture. These can be described in a cognitive context as mental schemata, or,
in the context of discourse, as frames of reference. They are ideologemes
characteristic of the specific group identity and have the advantage of quickly
and effectively drawing on common values and knowledge. But Dempsey attaches
new meaning to these clichés by putting them into musical quotation marks: thus
he pauses before proclaiming 'I love my people', the adamant cliché, and, to
our amazement - the audience sings along in unison, re-prossessing the cliché
alongside Dempsey.
Thematically
he draws on common issues of a contemporary and urban context. Thus he
addresses the problems of poverty, unemployment and violence by the use of the
image of the Northside and Southside of Dublin, an image used frequently by
other urban songwriters. These geographic locations act as symbols for
different social class as the Northside is generally associated with high
unemployment rates, poverty and drug abuse, while the Southside is considered
to be upper-middle class and characterised by a bourgeoise mentality. Further
geographical references, such as 'signing on off Gardiner Street', a reference
to collecting the benefit from the North-Inner-City (the most impoverished area
of the docklands of Dublin) office of the Department of Social Welfare, draw a
sociological map of Dublin. In this way, he involves the audience who can
follow the itinary described by the song by connecting it to their own frames
of reference. By stressing the local and immediate in his song, he increases
the relevance for his audience. The local is established by mentioning street
names, weaving ballad titles into the song's textual makeup, and the use of
accent. Only after he establishes the local reference does he continue to
generalise this experience to that of 'any old town or country', however,
insisting on a homogenous notion of 'we', which stresses the group cohesion
between singer and audience.
Following
the 1995 famine commemoration, the general self-perception as a victim of
history was a central issue of competing views regarding Irish identity.
Dempsey's song draws on this conventional self-perception while simultaneously
attempting to move further afield from it with the objective to enable active
participation in Irish society and the construction of a more self-confident
identity.34 Specifically he uses the
term 'victim' when referring to the homeless and unemployed sections of the
population. But rather than seeing them exclusively as a victim of history and
British colonialism - as is the case in songs composed in the same year by Luka
Bloom, "Forgiveness", and Sinéad O'Connor, "Famine",
he suggests that they are victims of a materialistically oriented contemporary
society while subsequently transforming this image of the victim into a
potential of revolt and empowerment: 'Yis would wanna start listenin
to us yis would, / cos to you we arent going to be good forever, / yet maybe
even here, / in Dublin town, / Things could get turned, / upside down.'
Dempsey
employs a poignant north Dublin accent, which represents an innovative feature
due to the general social stigma attached to this particular accent as it
labels its speaker as provenant from the lowest social classes. The use of this
accent is incongruous with the linguistic conventions of popular music, while
it has previously on occasions found its way into Irish film (The Commitments). The
audience's reaction differs according to the context of consumption: while his
live audience interprets the use of this social dialect in terms of group
cohesion, his accent causes amusement among those consuming his music on the
clubbers' dance floor due to the associations attached to it.35
Music and genre
Dempsey is primarily a live
performer and although his songs are stylistically not part of the folk idiom,
the performative setting bears resemblance to this genre: thus he starts the
song with the singable chorus, which, in terms of the folk music genre, prompts
the audience to sing along. The tune of the chorus is comparable to a ballad,
while the verse is recited in a rhymed staccato fashion typical of the genre of
rap. Furthermore, he includes many intertextual references to specific ballads:
the title and chorus recall the lyrics of the 'Rocky Road to Dublin', in the
second verse he makes a reference to the traditional ballad by the name of 'The
Foggy Dew'. When proclaiming that 'this was meant to be a love song', he quotes
Paul Brady's failed attempt to avoid addressing politics in his song 'The
Island' and finally his line 'Irish laws and Irish ways' quote another song
title, this time of a Republican rebel song. His use of a local and
simultaneously social accent is further reminiscent of the folk genre where
this practice is more frequently encountered than not.
While
the practice of acoustic guitar accompaniment is a genre convention for the
folk genre, it is stylistically situated in the genre of reggae, whereas the
rhymed staccato singing style of the verses is indicative of the
rap genre. These intertextual genre references to folk, rap and reggae are
designed to situate the song within genres where political statements are to be
expected. Thus, Reggae music was 'developed initially as a way of signifying a
particular experience of being black' and 'it was soon used by white musicians
to construct a sense of their own "ethnicity" and their relationship
to blackness'.36 Moreover, the musical
event is a site for the exploration and construction of both a collective and
an individual identity. This general function of the musical event is enhanced by the use of
raggae and rap to instigate a context suitable for the exploration of
individual and group identities. This identity suggested by Demsey is
postcolonial and urban in nature but yet in touch with the native ballad
tradition.
The
intergeneric subtext created by employing musical characteristics of rap places
the song in an urban context, in an explicit contrast to the folk genre. This assigns the
statement of a perceived insufficiency of the folk genre for the expression of
a specifically urban experiences to the intergeneric subtext.
Dempsey thus bases his music firmly in a native genre while adding layers of
meaning through the use of foreign genre markers in order to develop a new musical
idiom which is a more suitable tool for the political expression of the
contemporary urban Irish youth. This practice literally gives voice to the
lobbyless by employing their dialect. The political message of his songs is,
however, only received in a live performing context, because the performative
conventions of this setting place the music in a context where a peripheral
political discourse is expected by its participants.
The
discussion of the contextual background of political songwriting and the case
study of Damien Dempsey's song Dublin Town have illustrated that there is a
manifest peripheral political discourse in popular music which attempts to
challenge traditional values and understandings of Irishness. While the issues
raised in such songs are taken from general debates relating to group
identities and political issues, they may, by force of the relevance assigned
to the musical discourse in Ireland, exert an influence on the dominant
political discourse - as exercised by mediators between these discourses such
as the journalists John Waters and Fintan O'Toole. Thus O’Toole has acknowledge
the relevance of popular forms of expression such as popular music and film for
the creative exploration of Irish identity: 'If you
think of the best-known imaginative expressions of model modern Ireland - the
movies of Neil Jordan and Jim Sheridan, the songs of U2 the novels of Roddy
Doyle, the stage show Riverdance - it is immediately clear that the dominant
influenes they are dealing with come from the west, not the east.'37 Already by 1980, the Irish music magazin Hot
Press,
originally an Irish version of NME, included socio-political commentary
and an markedly
critical way of dealing with aspects of Irish society and public opinion
which failed to be acknowledged in the traditional print and tv/radio media - a
development which was fostered by concerns voiced in local music. Eventually,
these discussions originating from music and introduced into the print media by
the unusual hybrids of music and current affairs magazines as constituted by Hot
Press, Magill and In Dublin, left their mark on every area of
journalism: 'together they amounted to an Irish counterculture.'38 The relevance of Irish music for a more
pluralist discussion of current socio-political issues in Ireland has been
ascertained by musicians, poets, journalists and sociologists alike.39 The feeling of alienation from one's own
culture and identity in the context of the received and constructed notion of
Irish identity as propagated by the state and the Roman Catholic Church in the
previous decades established a creative impetus for its re-assessment and a
critical exploration of the national status quo. Thanks to the traditions of
political uses of music that songwriters could draw on, this impetus focussed
on popular music. The performance of local popular music was thus politicised
and contributed to a significant extent to the political debate in Ireland. To
quote Bono, lead singer of U2, 'There’s a feeling of being homeless, migrant, but
I suppose that’s what all art is - a search for identity. The images of our
songs are confused, classical, biblical, American, Irish, English, but not in a
negative sense. The fight, the struggle for a synthesis is what’s interesting
about them. The idea of an incomplete questioning, even abandoned identity is
very attractive to me.'40 It is
attractive precisely because it fosters and encourages artistic expression and
a progressive debate that may counteract what Brian Friel described in his play
Translations as a society entrapped in fossilised self-images which no
longer match 'the landscape of fact.'41
Popular song may, then, have contributed to undo this entrapment through an
artistic journey towards the establishment of a more open cultural and political
debate.
Damien Dempsey, Dublin Town (text as printed on the cd)42
Rollin down to Dublin town,
Cumin from the Northside,
heading Southbound,
the glare of the city, you can see it
in the sky,
See it in the faces when I'm passing
them by,
Dublin town bright lights all around,
All the different sounds concrate
surounds,
Ya need a few pound or theres nothin to
do,
No muns no fun in the foggy dew,
I be signing on off gardiner street,
see all the different people
struggling,
just to make ends meet,
the more unfortunate ones,
be begging at your feet,
we'll have to send a message to the
socially elite,
and I repeat,
if you keep a people down
in any old town or country,
they'll rise don't ya see,
it’s the will to survive,
that keeps them alive,
and there startin to see through,
all of the lies that you've contrived,
so I say to yous all,
to educate yourselves,
become well read,
and start to use the head,
Contemplate your own situation,
find the true enemy,
and stop banging heads, with the
victims of its greed,
Am I getting to serious,
this was meant to be a love song,
but it is a love song,
because I love my people,
Rollin down to Dublin town,
Cumin from the Northside,
heading Southbound,
the glare of the city, you can see it
in the sky,
See it in the faces when I'm passing
them by,
not so long ago back in the good old
days,
I dreamed of irish laws and Irish ways,
and I saw that the present days werent
so good,
and the only thing I could
think about them that was good,
was most of the people that surrounded me,
but still I call them good old days,
cos of the craic that we had,
we refused to stay sad,
If you have your own around you,
and you also posess you health,
at the end of the day you'll discover,
that that is the most essential wealth,
I through my mind back
and recall the days I used to have the craic,
back in Dublin town
getting down to the Irish and Jamaican sounds listenin
and learning about life,
helping me make it through the strife,
Rollin down to Dublin town,
Cumin from the Northside,
heading Southbound,
the glare of the city, you can see it in the sky,
See it in the faces when I'm passing them by,
I was'nt gonna waste my life,
but I was gonna live and love
do the best that I could,
I was gonna bring my music to the people,
and tell them that they were equal,
but some of them would'nt listen,
and this is what is pissin the rest of us off.
Yis would wanna start listenin to us yis would,
cos to you we arent going to be good forever,
yet maybe even here,
in Dublin town,
Things could get turned,
upside down.
Rollin down to Dublin town,
Cumin from the Northside,
heading Southbound,
the glare of the city, you can see it in the sky,
See it in the faces when I'm passing them by,
(The following is sung as an
introduction after the first chorus yet not included in the printed lyrics):
This song is dedicated to all my people all around the world all of yous
who is down for love and freedom are yis listenin cos this is for you
©Damien Dempsey, 1997
Notes:
1 John Waters, Race of Angels: Ireland and the Genesis of U2 (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1994), p. 228 argues that "Music undoubtedly had a much bigger role in Irish society than in other western countries." and "that Irish people attach a greater importance to the words of songs than peoples with a less traumatised experience."
2 see Richard Kearney, Across the Frontiers: Ireland in the 1990s (Dublin: Wolfhound Press, 1988), p. 185.
3 Waters, Race of Angels, p. 212.
4 see Serge Denisoff and Mark H. Levine, “Brainwashing or background noise: the popular protest song," in Serge Denisoff and Richard A. Peterson (eds), The Sounds of Social Change (Chicago: 1972), p. 214.
5 see R. Pratt, Rhythm and Resistance: Explorations in the Political Use of Popular Music (New York: Praeger, 1990), p. 184.
6 see Peter J. Martin, Sounds and Society: Themes in the Sociology of Music (Manchester and New York: Manchester UP, 1995), p. 30.
7 John Shepherd and Peter Wicke, Music and Cultural Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997), p.177.
8 see C. Norris, (ed.), Music and the Politics of Culture (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1989), p. 8.
9 Keith Negus, Popular Music in Theory: An Introduction (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996), p.192.
10 John Shepherd, Music as Social Text (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991), p. 175. John Storey, Cultural Studies and the Study of Popular Culture: Theories and Methods (Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 1996), p. 107f. argues that the meaning of a song can be in the performance itself, at the same time he makes a case not to dismiss the lyrical content analysis altogether as both context and text create meaning.
11 see Pratt, Rhythm and Resistance, p. 5.
12 see Martin, Sounds and Society, p. 29.
13 John Shepherd et al., Whose Music? A Sociology of Musical Languages (London: Latimer Press, 1977), p.7, see also Serge Denisoff and Richard A. Peterson, The Sounds of Social Change (Chicago: 1972), p. 7 who stress the importance of contextual meaning.
14 Simon Frith (ed.), Facing the Music: Essays on Pop, Rock and Culture (New York: Mandarin, 1988), p. 120f.
15 Although the musical style employed has, as such, little in common with this genre.
16 see Hugh Shields, “Popular modes of narration and the popular ballad,” in Joseph Harris (ed.), The Ballad and Oral Literature (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard UP, 1991), p. 42.
17 see Sean O Boyle, The Irish Song Tradition (Cork: Ossian, 1976 and 1989), p. 22.
18 see Breandán Breathnach, Folkmusic and Dances of Ireland (Dublin: The Talbot Press, 1971), p. 22.
19 see Hugh Shields, Narrative Singing in Ireland: Lays, Ballads, Come-all-yes and other Songs (Dublin: Colour Books 1993), p. 75.
20 see Hanne Castein, Die Anglo-Irische Straßenballade (München: Wilhelm Fink, 1971), p. 55f and Hugh Shields, Narrative Singing in Ireland, p. 107f.
21 George-Denis Zimmermann, Songs of Irish Rebellion: Political Street Ballads and Rebel Songs 1780-1900 (Dublin: Allen Figgis 1967), p. 9.
22 see ibid., p. 68.
23 see Harry White, "Music and the Irish literary imagination," in Gerard Gillen and Harry White (eds), Irish Musical Studies 3: Music and Irish Cultural History (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1995), p. 214.
24 Ríonach Uí Ógáin, “Traditional Music and Irish Cultural History,” in Gerard Gillen and Harry White (eds), Irish Musical Studies, p. 90.
25 Shepherd, Music as Social Text, p. 128. In the same line of argument, Pratt, Rhythm and Resistance, p. 11 maintains that music contains a mixture of adaptive and oppositional elements thus bearing the potential of subverting the dominant ideology.
26 see Simon Frith, “The cultural study of popular music,” in L. Grossberg, C. Nelson and P. Treichler (eds), Cultural Studies (London: Routledge, 1992), p. 177. See also Pratt, Rhythm and Resistance, p. 21: "Music responds both to the increasingly common human experience or the decline of intimate connection to community, to the longings that grow out of increasing velocity of change as thousand (sic) of little worlds are 'emptied out' … and also to the desires for new forms of community and new 'codes of public space'."
27 Pratt, Rhythm and Resistance, p. 37.
28 Allan Taylor, Song, Songwriting and the Songwriter in the English Folk Song Revival (Belfast: Queen’s University PhD thesis, 1993), p. 77.
29 Ibid. p. 262.
30 see in an interview with the online Irish music magazine cluas.com on employing a band for the recording of his album 'They don’t teach this shit in school': 'I think it’d be more accessible now, because a lot of people won’t listen to a fella on his own with a guitar, they want a bit of rhythm' and 'there’s only certain people - purists - who’d listen to a fella on his own with a guitar.'
31 see Shields, Narrative Singing in Ireland, p. 63.
32 see ibid., p. 83.
33 see ibid., p. 34ff.
34 In the interview for cluas.com he further in relation to victimisation that 'I see my people were victims, but I’m not just talking about the Irish I’m saying international victims of colonialism.'
35 This observation is an indication for the fact that at live performance a collective emotional experience and group cohesion is constructed which is not the case for the consumption of music in the different context of the dance club.
36 Dave Harker, Fakesong: The Manufacture of British ‘Folksong’ 1700 to
the Present Day (Milton Keynes, Philadelphia: Open UP, 1985), p. 108.
Interestingly, a similar statement is made in the novel and film The
Commitments by Roddy Doyle (London: Minerva, 1991), p. 9 in relation to
soul music, when a famous James Brown quotatin is adapted to the local Dublin
context. Here, the north-Dublin band chooses as their musical idiom soul
because of its association with blackness:
--Yeah, politics. ----Not songs abou'
'Fianna fuckin' Fail or annythin' like tha'. Real politics. (They weren't with
him.) --Where are yis from? (He answered the question himself.) --Dublin. (He
asked another one.) --Wha' part o' Dublin? Barrytown. Wha' class are yis?
Workin' class. Are yis proud of it? Yeah, yis are. (Then a practical question.)
--Who buys the most records? The workin' class. Are yis with me? (Not really.)
--Your music should be abou' where you're from an' the sort o' people yeh come
from. -----Say it once, say it loud, I'm black an' I'm proud.
They looked at him.
--James Brown. […].
They were stunned by what came next.
--The Irish are the niggers of Europe,
lads.
They nearly gasped: it was so true.
--An' Dubliners are the niggers of Ireland. The culchies have fuckin' everythin'. An' the northside Dubliners are the niggers o' Dublin. -----Say it loud, I'm black an' I'm proud.'The Irish are the Blacks of Europe.
37 Fintan O’Toole, “Reborn again Ireland,” in Sunday Herald, 9th January 2000.
38 Waters, Race of Angels, p. 102.
39 see for instance Richard Kearney, Across the Frontiers: Ireland in the 1990s (Dublin: Wolfhound Press, 1988); Paul Durcan, "Passage to Utopia" in Kearney, Across the Frontiers, Waters, Race of Angels, Fintan O'Toole, The Lie of the Land: Irish Identities (London, New York: Verso, 1997) and Luke Gibbons, Transformations in Irish Culture (Cork: Cork UP, 1996).
40 Bono Vox in Waters, Race of Angels, p. 136.
41 Brian Friel, Translations (London: Faber & Faber, 1981), p. 66.
42 Printed with kind permission by Damien
Dempsey.
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